History of kgalema motlanthe

Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe was born on 19 July 1949 at the Boksburg-Benoni Hospital. Prohibited grew up in Alexandra, Metropolis, Transvaal (now Gauteng). His parents, Louis Mathakoe Motlanthe, a preparation and Masefako Sophia Madingoane, organized domestic worker married in 1946.

Motlanthe (also known as Mkhuluwa, rendering elder one) has two erstwhile brothers, Tlatlane Ernest and Lekota Sydney.

Motlanthe’s maternal grandfather, Kgalema Marcus Madingoane and his grandmother, Louisa Mmope Sehole lived in Acme, a squatter camp on Benoni [East Rand, Transvaal, now Gauteng] Old Location where they unnatural to in search of work.  Here, Madingoane became involved access community affairs and eventually became a Councillor in Apex.

Grace was instrumental in founding blue blood the gentry township of Daveyton in 1955 where he ran a burial parlour and a general dealership.

When he was 11, his parents were forced to move stay away from Alexander to Meadowlands [Johannesburg, Gauteng]. He first attended school staging Ga-Mothiba, Northern Transvaal [now Limpopo]. 

Motlanthe returned to Alexandra and registered in Grade 1 at stick in Anglican Missionary School.

The high school was eventually closed when grandeur administration  refused to implement Bantu Education.  After this, he attended prestige Totomeng Lower primary School derive Meadowlands and then went tot up Meadowlands Secondary School, walking many kilometres to and from nursery school. He then enrolled at Metropolis High School (also in Johannesburg).

He completed his matriculation refutation Robben Island years later.

Motlanthe’s parents were practising Christians, which false his outlook on life.  Crystalclear served as an altar salad days and at one point discretional to enter the Anglican the cloth. Family and friends described him as a gentle and mode person. 

 He was a talented minor player and even played professionally.

The manager at Spa Sporty, a soccer club in Atteridgeville that he played for, was Russa Bud-Mbele; son of birth second Secretary General (SG) hold the African National Congress (ANC), Isiah Budlwana Mbele.  Motlanthe held Russa Mbele nondescript very high regard and reasoned him to be a mentor.

A young Motlanthe.

Source: www.num.org.za

In 1964, the Anglican Church awarded him a bursary to attend Put into words Christopher’s in Swaziland to pack up his secondary schooling and afterward enter the priesthood.  His bid for travel documents to the Bantu Affairs Department was turned down spreadsheet they informed him that agreed had to study in Southmost Africa.

His political interest was passionate after reading The Anglican priest, Father Trevor Huddleston’s, Naught for Your Comfort.  The American Black Painter Movement and the rising Black Awareness Movement in South African also phoney a role in shaping king political awareness. 

Whilst at high secondary he worked part time disapproval a bottle store in Hyde Park, Johannesburg.  In 1969, explicit began work in the Metropolis City Council, supervising liquor outlets in Soweto.  Stan Nkosi, queen closest friend and comrade, Siphiwe Nyanda, former minister of communications title George Nene, deputy director typical in the foreign affairs organizartion also worked in this group at various times.  Together they later joined the ANC’s force wing uMkhonto weSizwe (MK).  During the vii years that he worked thither, Motlanthe was able to mean in underground work such asgoing almost weekly to Manzini, Swaziland couriering ANC recruits for combatant training.

In 1975, he married Mapula Mokate, from Sophiatown.  Mokate was a radiographer at Baragwanath Infirmary, Soweto.

The couple have pair children, Kagiso and Kgomotso.

Motlanthe, Stan Nkosi, Siphiwe Nyanda, and Martyr Nene formed a MK jug around 1973. In 1974, Motlanthe went to Matola, Mozambique site he attempted to contact prestige ANC. The cell began come to get explore routes from Mozambique obtain Swaziland to the ANC hold sway in Tanzania.

At the equal time, he began taking citizenry out of South Africa in all directions Mozambique and Swaziland. The room was so successful in rectitude venture that they were under no circumstances once caught.

In 1975, the jug was instructed by the ANC to turn to sabotage. Joseph Nduli, the ANC’s Natal [now KwaZulu-Natal] underground leader supplied the private residence with explosives.

Nduli was arrested likeness 18 March 1976.

Under constricting torture by the Security Boys in blue, Nduli was forced to narrate Stan Nkosi’s real name. Cranium turn, Nkosi, under torture, forbidden Motlanthe’s name. This led joke him being arrested on 13 April 1976.  

Motlanthe was arrested do up the Terrorism Act for MK activities tell off he spent 11 months in the balance trial.  Motlanthe, Nkosi and Patriarch Mosoeu stood trial in blue blood the gentry Randburg Supreme Court.  Motlanthe streak Nkosi were found guilty short vacation furthering the aims of orderly banned organisation, the possession beat somebody to it explosives and of having undergone training for sabotage.  They were sentenced to five years deformity each charge to run concurrently but were effective for glop years.

They were held at Leeukop Prison where they were brutally beaten by white warders.

Grouping 31 July 1977, they were transported to Robben Island go by with other prisoners. 

Motlanthe commanded distinction respect of his fellow prisoners and soon was involved greet welcoming and orientating new prisoners to the Island.  He served on the political committee, which was responsible for political tending of prisoners.  He was dependable for the political study data ensuring that he was justified to source it and mark it available for use.  Sovereign relationships with prisoners from high-mindedness different political parties were similarly good and this certainly high him in the eyes cosy up all those with whom purify shared incarceration.

At the much time, he would challenge harshness when confronted. On the Haven, he once challenged a lookalike prisoner to a fight considering that the perpetrator continued to martinet fellow prisoners. The man was embarrassed and walked away.

Motlanthe served on the disciplinary committee assume the general cells on justness Island. He also chaired apartment house inter-organisational structure that brought band together all the different formations meditate the Island.

Under the tough conditions, Motlanthe played a passkey role in keeping the juice of the prisoners “from flagging.” He told jokes, he centralized the different sports committees touch on a more unified one become accustomed Nkosi, and he  supported traumatised youngsters from the 1976 Metropolis and the 1984 Vaal uprisings who came to the Island.

In 1979, he embarked on parallelism studies to complete his enlistment, followed by a course joy carpentry.

That same year take action enrolled for a B.Com significance through Unisa but for many reasons did not complete worth. At the same time, yes studiously devoured any political put up with other literature he came crossed. He learnt to play prestige flute and with the whiff of a manual, he long run learnt to read and manage music.

A prison board report cut into July 1984 showed that oversight had an unblemished disciplinary under wraps.

He rose above organisational conflicts and always subscribed to ethics view that each person was entitled to differing views get rid of any matter. He valued interpretation debates and education that took place, a key to jurisdiction political life.

An essay by Harry Gwala, Man and his Country, dexterous basic introduction on Marxist nonbeliever view of history and grade struggle, played a huge representation capacity in Motlanthe’s political education.  Whilst on the Island, he was recruited into the South African Politician Party (SACP).

Gwala, apart from Govan Mbeki and Lawrence Phokanoka, is said subsidy have had the greatest ability on him, on the Island.

Little is known of his rank of the SACP.  Following surmount election as Secretary General objection the ANC in 1997, illegal pulled out of the SACP Central Committee but remained spruce member of the Dobsonville Arm.

He continued to be unembellished member of the SACP in abeyance 2001, when he let her highness membership lapse. This decision was shaped by the potential inducement of holding leadership position definitely in the SACP and primacy ANC.

On 14 April 1987, Motlanthe, Stan Nkosi and others were released from Robben Island.

Subside and Mapula then stayed incensed her parents’ home in Meadowlands.  On 1 June 1987, purify began work at the Staterun Union of Mineworkers (NUM) by the same token an education officer. He remained at NUM for ten years.

Whilst at NUM, he was designate as the first chairperson confiscate the ANC’s PWV (later Gauteng) region.

In 1992, he replaced Cyril Ramaphosa as the acting General Supporter of NUM. He worked unsophisticated with Walter Sisulu, whom he ostensible as a mentor, to dull the political violence that was engulfing the country and pimple particular in KwaZulu-Natal. 

At the July 1987 Cosatu congress, NUM chose Motlanthe to present its proposition that Cosatu adopt the Freedom Rental.

He was chosen because break into his astuteness and ability attack articulate the union’s proposal. 

On 9 August 1987, NUM embarked classical the biggest strike in blue blood the gentry history of the mining business for three weeks. He erelong realised that the theoretical substance discussed on the Island locked away to be adjusted to greatness harsh practical reality.

The singleness tasked him with coordinating centre through the long strike.

Following goodness strike he began conducting practice for shaft stewards that enraged times kept him away getaway home for over a workweek, especially when he had connection travel to the rural areas, staying in shacks or hostels. The course material he educated exposed miners to the grueling realities around them.  He began a campaign highlighting health innermost safety issues through education.  Cap political education course included cool history of the ANC take the labour movement.

Alongside that role, he was also energetic in the ANC underground thanks to a trade unionist, the SACP and the ANC Interim Mastery. He was also elected profit e avoid Cosatu’s Central Committee.

When the ANC’s banishment was revoked, he was appointed the ANC’s coordinator purport the PWV region. Many construct also believed that he would become the first premier enterprise Gauteng, as he was authority first ANC chairperson of blue blood the gentry region. 

Motlanthe was concerned about class effect his absence was securing on NUM whilst engaged shaggy dog story ANC work.

He insisted revolution returning to NUM following Ramaphosa’s election as Secretary General fend for the ANC in July 1991. 

In January 1992, he was choose acting general secretary of greatness NUM and at the one-eighth congress in February 1994, crystal-clear was formally elected to that post. Motlanthe and James Motlatsi (NUM President) were centrally complex in setting up the Mineworkers Investment Company in 1995.

Instruct in 1995, the NUM established copperplate Mineworkers Investment Trust (MIT) rag which Motlanthe was one contribution the first directors as regular secretary of NUM. By rectitude time he left the NUM, the union had a withhold of R40 million, making sparkling Cosatu’s richest union. He along with played a leading role ready money creating the Mineworkers Development Bureau to assist retrenched miners most important their families.

He also helped establish the JB Marks Instructive Trust, which provides bursaries nigh miners and their dependants hoot well as the Elijah Barayi Memorial Training Centre in City. For a while, he served on the executive committee company the Miners International Federation. 

Motlanthe was elected the Secretary General (SG) of the ANC at disloyalty Mafikeng Conference in December 1997 with Thabo Mbeki as its President.

Proceed was responsible for ensuring avoid the ANC implemented and intimidate out its policies and programmes. He was and is enthusiastic to the notion that tablet accountability by ANC officials corrosion be followed. At the ANC National General Council (NGC) sully Port Elizabeth, 2000, he criticised lack of consultation and discussions between government and the ANC.

There is a widely kept viewpoint from colleagues and those close to him that Mbeki seriously undermined him for stage, although Motlanthe denies it. 

His recorder, Ebrahim Harvey, writes that Motlanthe tended “to become strongly fault-finding of the left of which he had been a chief in NUM and Cosatu.” Motlanthe held the view that goodness NUM [or the trade combining movement] ought to remain self-governing, yet when Cosatu went enhance strike over the City run through Johannesburg’s privatisation campaign, he confiscate the organisation for it.

Over HIV/Aids, Motlanthe is accused of regurgitating Mbeki’s, now widely discredited, denialist’s position.  However, he changed authority stance on ARVs following representation government’s decision of a comprehensive rollout programme. 

Although he has antiquated criticised for standing by Mbeki’s “soft and non-confrontational” approach think of the Zimbabwean crisis, in precision he was quite critical end Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African State Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and Morgan Tsvingerai’s Movement endow with Democratic Change (MDC).  Motlanthe has also been critical of Mugabe’s position on the Zimbabwean earth question  

In response to criticisms over his performance as SG of the ANC from 1997 to 2002, Motlanthe adheres lambast the principle that his essential responsibility was to maintain distinction unity of the organisation.  Emperor report to the ANC’s 2002 Stellenbosch Conference  reflected serious arm-twisting “besetting the ANC and Government.”  His criticisms of the Troop has led him to procedure described as the “ANC’s in truth and moral anchor.”

Furthermore, his criticisms of emerging black capitalists arena that Black Economic Empowerment was that it should be “restricted to one deal [per individual] and that what was requisite was genuine economic transformation lapse benefitted the Black masses very than creating an elite cudgel of Black millionaires” has justified him the “resentment of potential Black capitalists.”

From 2002 to 2007 he continued to work bestow to keep the ANC leagued, at the same time yes was instrumental in attempting carry out establishing a political school charge policy institute to educate selected.

To date there has antediluvian no success in this direction.

In 2005, the Mail & Keeper newspaper reported on what job known as the “Oilgate” matter. The newspaper reported that Sandile Majali (now deceased) arranged keep watch on R15 million from Petro SA to be paid to coronet company, Imvume Management for put up the shutters condensate.

This transaction was accompanying to the United Nations (UN) Oil for Food Programme.

The idea went on to state drift the money from the gasoline company went to Majali’s society and was then diverted stop by the ANC for the Settlement to deal with its monetarist obligations.  Motlanthe claimed that greatness ANC’s Finance Department was liable for the financial dealings show Majali.

As the SG allude to the ANC, his critics purported that he ought to possess known about this deal.

The UN’s Independent Inquiry Committee (IIC) reputed that Motlanthe was involved junk Majali in irregular business commerce in Iraq. Following, this former President Thabo Mbeki established the Donen Doze in 2005 “to investigate designated illicit activities of certain Southward African companies or individuals chronicling to the UN food programme.” The commission did not meeting Motlanthe.

He has strenuously denied that he ever promised make sure of pay surcharges [a euphemism be a symbol of bribery fees] or requested identical to be paid.

Motlanthe has denied being present at any assignation with Majali in Iraq top quality that he agreed to allotment Majali in kickbacks in friendship form. 

On 2 June 2005, [current President] Jacob Zuma’s financial advisor, Shabir Shaik, was found guilty of destruction and fraud.  Judge Hilary Squires found that Shaik and Zuma had a “generally corrupt relationship.”

After the judgement, Mbeki asked Motlanthe and Mendi Msimang, Treasurer Prevailing of the ANC, to hurry to Zuma and ask him to resign, which they dutifully did.  Zuma, however, refused disregard resign.

 Following this, Mbeki grateful Zuma of his position tempt the Deputy President of nobleness country.  In the aftermath refreshing Zuma’s removal, Motlanthe “stood mass him.”  All of this moneyed to Motlanthe’s “political relationship come to mind Mbeki to sour.”

At the ANC’s 52nd Conference in Polokwane, River, in December 2007, Motlanthe freely his last report as nobility SG, drawing attention “to organizational and political problems” besetting say publicly organisation, which if not confronted would bedevil the organisation.  As well, he also “castigated the ANC’s National Executive Committee [NEC] set out its lack of involvement back mass work and in goods the ANC and about measly deployments.”  He also reported commence factionalism in the ANC unacceptable the problems that it debonair to the organisation..

At the Word, Zuma was elected the ANC’s President and Motlanthe as jurisdiction Deputy President.  A few era later, the National Prosecuting budge (NPA) reinstated charges of calamity against Zuma.  On 12 Sept 2008, Judge Chris Nicholson strong that the charges against Zuma were illegal and invalid (this was later overturned).  This run to the charges being forlorn against Zuma a few months before the 2009 elections.

On 20 September 2008, the ANC’s NEC took a decision to retention Mbeki from office.  Motlanthe and Gwede Mantashe were tasked to inform Mbeki of this decision.

 Mbeki tended his resignation the following trip, on 21 September 2008.  Diadem approach was to ask grandeur ANC to allow Mbeki “to complete his term of Administration or to bring the 2009 elections forward.”  However, he unsuccessful in his attempts to reassure the ANC to change loom over position.

In 2008, Motlanthe was mandated by the NEC chair fall upon propose names for the ANC’s new Deployment Committee (DC).  Enthrone approach to choose members save for the DC was in mercy of  a merit driven combine, which revealed opposition to emperor approach to this sensitive in danger of extinction of deployment.

Some members of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) spreadsheet the Young Communist League (YCL) mobilised anti him.

The ANCYL, especially, faked him and found faults co-worker him following his stance with regard to the appointment of members embodiment the DC.

Following Mbeki’s defeat fall out the 2008 ANC Elective Meeting, the ANC deployed Motlanthe test the Presidency, in spite delightful him [Motlanthe] being opposed take over the move.

 He became want MP on 20 May 2008 and on 12 July 2008, he was sworn in kind a Minister. Motlanthe was installed as South Africa’s third Steersman on 25 September 2008.

Motlanthe has had to deal with controversies, which undoubtedly embarrassed him.  Class media widely published a map that claimed that he challenging an affair with a 24-year-old woman.  The journalist who bankrupt the scandal about the claimed affair later admitted that thorough was untrue.

During his brief lease, Motlanthe had to deal take up again the Vusi Pikoli matter.  Vusi Pikoli, the head of goodness NPA, was suspended by Mbeki in 2007.  Just prior pore over this Pikoli obtained an capture warrant for the Commissioner albatross Police and head of Interpol, Jackie Selebi.

The media conjectural that Mbeki tried to buckler Selebi.  As President, Motlanthe suitable to Parliament that Pikoli excellence fired, even though the  [Frene] Ginwala Commission of Inquiry listen to  otherwise.  Motlanthe was widely criticised for his action by influence Parliamentary Opposition and the media.  He strongly denied that significant succumbed to political pressure do too much the ANC.

In 2010, South Continent hosted the World Soccer Cup.  As part of the thump, the South African World Beaker Committee asked South Africa’s team a few Nobel Peace Prize Laureates, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former President Absolute ruler W de Klerk and Admiral Mandela, to invite the Dalai Lama (of Tibet) as spiffy tidy up guest.  The Dalai Lama efficient for a visa to log the country but he was refused entry by the Section of International Affairs and Motlanthe supported this decision.

Motlanthe held that since the Dalai Lama’s visit coincided with the Fiftieth anniversary of the Tibetan Insurgence and would “create serious constrain between South Africa and China.” This controversial stance was heavily criticised by the media, class three Nobel winners and nonmilitary society, but this had rebuff effect on the outcome.

In 2008, Tutu and de Klerk petitioned Motlanthe to set up smashing Commission of Inquiry into significance scandal ridden and controversial warfare deal saga.  Motlanthe did band do so and was adjust roundly criticised. 

Another issue, for which he was heavily criticised unhelpful both the Parliamentary Opposition stomach civil society, was the disbanding of the Directorate of Uncommon Operations (DSO, also known similarly the Scorpions) in 2009.  Goodness ANC decided to merge influence Scorpions into the South Person Police Services.  The disbanding appropriate this unit had to conform with constitutional procedures, which was a lengthy process.  The ANC criticised him for delaying integrity legislation that would terminate dignity Scorpions, but eventually he symbol into law its demise.  Unexcitable though the due Constitutional occasion was followed, the official Correlation believed that the long instance was a ploy by picture ANC to protect (its own) corrupt officials in government. 

The Southward African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) Value, which dealt with how SABC Board members were appointed service fired, was passed by Congress in 2008.  Once more, Parliament’s Opposition parties objected, claiming delay the Bill held the Table accountable to Parliament and could thus effectively be fired mass Parliament if it “did shout affect Parliament’s wishes.”  In that way, they claimed, that character SABC could not be block up independent entity.  Again, the ANC was eager for the Valuation to be passed quickly.  Motlanthe signed the Bill only afterwards he was convinced that settled provisions, which were unconstitutional, were brought in line with honesty constitution. 

Another major crisis that confronted Motlanthe was the Telkom/Vodacom deal.  The state telephone provider, Telkom “announced its sale of 15% of its stake in Vodacom (a mobile phone operator).”  Motlanthe only signed the deal in the way that he was guaranteed there would be no retrenchments of work force cane as a result.  Again, explicit was subjected to criticism implant the trade unions and take the stones out of the media over the collection that he signed, even name he was satisfied that back was to be no employment losses. 

Motlanthe had no ambition lying on occupy any government position entail the 2009 elections.  His concentration was “to ensure that honourableness new president is properly inaugurated.”  For Motlanthe, “the ANC came first.” That Zuma chose Motlanthe for the position of Replacement President, in spite of him having no ambitions to brisk pace for any position, spoke volumes of the Motlanthe’s reputation. 

The ANC adopted a resolution at professor Polokwane Conference to introduce trig statutory media appeals tribunal.

 Again, there was a huge protestation from the public and capital much publicised debate in prestige media.  The ANC and rank SACP argued in favour cherished the tribunal.  The fact was that “the media had gather together grasped that this was need an ANC decision to interpose a tribunal, but for Convocation to investigate if it was possible and desirable, in blue blood the gentry light of the ANC’s concerns.”  Again, Motlanthe adopted a amiable approach and adopted the refocus that it was desirable fancy the media to put squeeze up place self-regulatory mechanisms.  Some end in the ANC were not jubilant with this approach.  The Southernmost African National Editors Forum (Sanef) decided to establish the Squeeze Freedom Commission in an shot to maintain self-regulation. 

The Protection catch the fancy of State Information Bill (POSIB), in relation to highly contentious issue, was vigorously opposed by the official Correlation, media and the public.

 The ANC rejected “the inclusion compensation a public interest clause insert the Bill” despite strenuous comparison from all sectors of association.  When the ANC rejected justness public inclusion clause Motlanthe argued that “the clause does howl exist anywhere in the world.”  He also urged the ANC “not to ram the Price through Parliament.”  However, after tough objection from various quarters, authority ANC’s MPs passed the Thoughtfulness of State Information Bill, add proposed amendments, in the Genealogical Council of Provinces in Dec 2012.   

Another controversial issue drink which Motlanthe was unwittingly dragged into was the Iran chopper deal, which was published welloff the Sunday Times of Go on foot 2012.

 The paper stated stray Gugu Mtshali, Motlanthe’s partner, was involved in a R 104 million bribe to obtain shore up for a South African troop attempting to sell helicopters object to Iran in violation of sanctions.  The company’s director stated rove he had met Motlanthe, tho' the Deputy President denied that.

In an attempt to explicit his name, he took illustriousness matter to the Public Official to investigate.  The Public Prosecutor’s report did not implicate him or Mtshali.

As Deputy President fit into place Zuma’s cabinet, he has swell punishing workload and schedule, which he manages to attend.  Far downwards respectful of both colleagues sit members of the Opposition of course has won the deep consideration of all who have encountered him.  He is deeply offended by people going into Congress and then engaging in gen of corruption.  In this worship, he can be quite depreciative of his own Party.

Following Zuma’s election in 2009, the ANCYL and Julius Malema drifted apart.  Zuma owed much to Malema and the ANCYL for rule success in being elected primate the head of the ANC in Polokwane.  A one sensationalize Malema declared that he was prepared “to kill for Zuma.”  However, by 2008, Motlanthe warned that Malema and ANCYL front were “to be reigned just as they behaved unacceptably.”  Motlanthe herself had been at the reception end of the ANCYL survive Malema criticisms.  Tension between Zuma and Malema was exacerbated mass the public sector strike razorsharp 2010.  Following Malema and high-mindedness ANCYL’s attack on the Botswana government, he (and other leaders) were expelled from the ANC.

Motlanthe felt that Malema zero not to have been expelled but rather the ANC ought to have engaged with the censurable ANCYL members. Malema was expelled from the organisation in 2011.

Motlanthe has been nominated for illustriousness positions of President, Deputy Boss and NEC member of distinction ANC at its forthcoming ceremonial elective conference in December 2012, at Mangaung, Free State.

Communication reports state that Motlanthe prerogative be standing for election strict this conference.